Skip to navigationSkip to contentSkip to footerHelp using this website - Accessibility statement
  • Advertisement

    Campus protests may help Donald Trump win

    History suggests the intellectual conformism sweeping university life could trigger a popular backlash that ends in conservative rule.

    David Brooks

    Subscribe to gift this article

    Gift 5 articles to anyone you choose each month when you subscribe.

    Subscribe now

    Already a subscriber?

    These days, I think a lot about Donald Trump. When the monthly economic reports come out, I think: Will this help elect Trump? And, I confess, I’ve started to ask myself the same question when I look at the unrest on American college campuses over Israel and the Gaza Strip.

    Now, I should say that I assume that most of the protesters are operating with the best of intentions – to ease the suffering being endured by the Palestinian people.

    But protests have unexpected political consequences. In the 1960s, for example, millions of young people were moved to protest against the war in Vietnam, and history has vindicated their position.

    New York City police officers surround a pro-Palestinian student encampment at Columbia University.  NYPD

    But Republicans were quick to use the excesses of the student protest movement to their advantage. In 1966, Ronald Reagan vowed “to clean up the mess at Berkeley”, and was elected governor of California. In 1968, Richard Nixon celebrated the “forgotten Americans – the non-shouters; the non-demonstrators”, and was elected to the presidency.

    Far from leading to a new progressive era, the uprisings were followed by what was arguably the most conservative period in American history.

    This kind of popular backlash is not uncommon. For his latest book, If We Burn, journalist Vincent Bevins investigated 10 protest movements that occurred between 2010 and 2020 in places such as Egypt, Turkey, Brazil, Ukraine and Hong Kong. He concluded that in seven of those cases, the results were “worse than failure; things went backward”.

    In Egypt in 2011, for example, about 1 million protesters gathered in Tahrir Square, thrilling the world with their calls for reforms and freedom. President Hosni Mubarak was toppled, but democracy did not replace his autocratic rule; the Muslim Brotherhood did.

    In June 2013, millions of Brazilians took to the streets demanding better schools, cheaper public transportation, and political reform. But, Bevins laments, “just a few years later, the country would be ruled by the most radically right wing-elected leader in the world, a man who openly called for a return to dictatorship and mass violence” – uber-Trumpian figure Jair Bolsonaro.

    The US university protests reinforce the class dynamics that have undermined the Democratic Party’s prospects over the past few decades. The Democrats have become the party of the educated and cultural elite, and the Republicans have become the party of the less-educated masses.

    Advertisement

    If you operate in highly educated circles, it’s easy to get the impression that young people are passionately engaged in the Gaza issue. But a recent Harvard Youth Poll asked Americans aged 18 to 29 which issues mattered to them most. “Israel/Palestine” ranked 15th out of 16 issues listed. Issues such as inflation, jobs, housing, healthcare and gun violence were much more pressing.

    Especially since 2016, it has become clear that if you live in a university town or in one of the many cities along the coasts where highly educated people tend to congregate, you can’t use your own experience to generalise about American politics.

    In fact, if you are guided by instincts and values honed in such places, you may not be sensitive to the ways your movement is alienating voters in the working-class areas of Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Michigan and Georgia. You may come across to them as privileged kids breaking the rules and getting away with it.

    Over the past few decades, many universities have become more ideologically homogeneous and detached from the rest of the country. As my colleague Ross Douthat noted recently, Columbia students who study 20th-century thought in the “core curriculum” are fed a steady diet of writers such as Frantz Fanon and Michel Foucault from one ideological perspective.

    Writing in The Atlantic, George Packer quoted a letter that one Columbia student wrote to one of his professors: “I think universities have essentially stopped minding the store, stopped engaging in any kind of debate or even conversation with the ideologies which have slowly crept into every bit of university life, without enough people of good conscience brave enough to question all the orthodoxies. So, if you come to Columbia believing in ‘decolonisation’ or what have you, it’s genuinely not clear to me that you will ever have to reflect on this belief.”

    These circles have become so insular that today’s progressive fights tend to take place within progressive spaces, with progressive young protesters attempting to topple slightly less-progressive university presidents or organisation heads. These fights invariably divide the left and unify the right.

    Over my career as a journalist, I’ve learnt that when you’re covering a rally, pay attention not just to protesters; pay attention to all those people who would never attend and are quietly disapproving.

    If you were covering the protests of the late 1960s, for example, you would have learnt a lot more about the coming decades by interviewing George W. Bush than you would have by interviewing one of the era’s protest celebrities such as Abbie Hoffman. Hoffman was more photogenic in the moment, but Bush, and all those turned off by the protests, would turn out to be more consequential.

    Over the past few days, the White House and Senator Chuck Schumer have become more critical of lawbreaking protests. They probably need to do a lot more of that if we’re going to avoid Trump: The Sequel.

    Subscribe to gift this article

    Gift 5 articles to anyone you choose each month when you subscribe.

    Subscribe now

    Already a subscriber?

    Read More

    Latest In North America

    Fetching latest articles